Motivations of Pro-Russian Separatists in Eastern Ukraine: A Multifaceted Analysis

The motivations driving the pro-Russian separatists in Eastern Ukraine are complex and multifaceted. This conflict involves a range of personas, from professional figures to ideological and humanitarian players. Understanding these individuals' motivations is crucial for comprehending the underlying dynamics of the Donbass war.

The Professional and Military Perspective

Alexander Borodai

One of the key individuals behind the Donbass conflict is Alexander Borodai, former FSB (Federal Security Service) Director. Borodai’s primary motivation was purely professional. He was involved in other Russian hotspots like Transnistria, where he met with fellow FSB agent Girkin/Strelkov. Borodai’s role involved organizing and connecting with mercenary groups, far-right nationalists, and Russian nationalists, all while reporting directly to Russian leadership. When the conflict was stabilized, he left the region and covered up his position with a puppet Russian administration.

For those familiar with the conflict, the reality often starkly contrasts with the intentions. An example is Alexander Surkov, a key figure in the FSB who was involved in the conflict. Surkov’s position is well-documented, and his actions reflect the strategic nature of the conflict from a professional perspective.

The Ideological and Protest Perspective

Alexander Khodakovsky

Alexander Khodakovsky, who previously led the Ukrainian secret service branch in Donetsk, provides a different perspective. He was one of the few who sincerely believed in the idea of Donbass joining Russia. His beliefs were based on a long-standing longing for the revival of the Soviet Union, a sentiment shared by some minorities in Eastern Ukraine.

Khodakovsky's journey was a complex one. He joined the protests, hoping they would lead to a peaceful resolution. However, as Russia transformed the protests into a war, he found himself forgotten and betrayed. This realization left him both frustrated and disillusioned. His indigenous knowledge of Eastern Ukraine and his network made him valuable to the Russian side, but this visibility also made him a target for the Kremlin. As a result, he was quickly banned from visiting his homeland and was not needed in the new pro-Russian administration.

Russian Nationalism and Chauvinism

Igor Girkin

Another key figure is Igor Girkin, known as Strelkov, who openly admitted to starting the war in Donbass. As a veteran of international conflicts, Girkin viewed the war as a confrontation between "good Russians" and "bad Russians." This ideology, rooted in Russian nationalism and chauvinism, is stark. Girkin does not recognize the right of Ukrainians to live in their own country, believing that the conflict could be resolved only by eliminating the enemy. This perspective made him a valuable asset for the FSB, serving as a key military commander in the Russian operation in Donbass.

Girkin's role was eventually terminated when Russia decided to replace him. He now lives in Russia, avoiding the region he transformed into a war zone.

The Financial Motive

A different category of figures was the ordinary citizens who saw the conflict as a potentially lucrative opportunity. Arsen Pavlov, a Russian citizen and commander of battalion "Sparta," exemplifies this group. Pavlov worked as a car wash worker in Russia with a family to support. He entered the war for financial reasons, killing prisoners as he saw fit. His transition from a car wash worker to a war hero in the eyes of the Russian media, followed by a new life and relationship, illustrates the stark contrast and potential for exploitation in such conflicts.

Alexey Milchakov', "Rusich" Mercenary Group

Another perspective is that of Alexey Milchakov, who headed one of the Russian Nazi mercenary groups called "Rusich." Milchakov's history is marked by cruelty and sadism. He showed a morbid fascination with violence and torture, posing on Russian live TV with mutilated Ukrainian prisoners. As Alexander Khodakovsky estimates, at least 30% of the local army was drawn from criminals, sadists, and mercenaries, highlighting the complex and often brutal nature of the conflict.